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emerging infectious and zoonotic diseases (that is, pathogens like
coronaviruses, which originate in animals and jump to humans).
And in 2018, heeliminatedthe National Security Council’s global
health security and biodefense directorate.
Not surprisingly, the administration has proved ill-equipped
to deal with the outbreak. Though COVID-19 reached epidemic
proportions weeks ago, the US has suffered frominsufficient tes-
ting capacity(even compared to a much poorer country like South
Korea) and inadequate procedures and protocols for handling po-
tentially exposed travelers returning from abroad.
This subpar response should serve as yet another reminder that
an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure. But Trump’s al-
l-purpose panacea for any economic threat is simply to demand
more monetary-policy easing and tax cuts (typically for the rich),
as if cutting interest rates is all that is needed to generate another
stock-market boom.
This quack treatment is even less likely to work now than it did
in 2017, when the tax cuts created a short-term economic sugar
high that had already faded as we entered 2020. With many US
firms facing supply-chain disruptions, it is hard to imagine that
they would suddenly decide to undertake major investments just
because interest rates were cut by 50 basis points (assuming com-
mercial banks even pass on the cuts in the first place).
Worse, the epidemic’s full costs to the US may be yet to come,
particularly if the virus isn’t contained. In the absence of paid sick
leave, many infected workers already struggling to make ends
meet will show up to work anyway. And in the absence of adequate
health insurance, they will be reluctant to seek tests and treatment,
lest they be hit with massive medical bills. The number of vulnera-
ble Americans should not be underestimated. Under Trump, mor-
bidity and mortality rates arerising, and some37 million peoplere-
gularly confront hunger.

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